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  2. Requiem (Bruneau, Alfred)
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Print and download in PDF or MIDI et lux perpetua - Paul Brouwer. Free sheet music for Voice. Made by Brouwer. Print and download in PDF or MIDI 4-et lux perpetua - Paul Brouwer. Free sheet music for Voice. Made by Brouwer. Print and download in PDF or MIDI 4-et lux perpetua - Paul Brouwer. Free sheet music for Strings. Made by Brouwer.

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Requiem aeternam dona eis. Requiem aeternam dona eis Tune: PDF Audio files: Representative Text Requiem aeternam dona eis Domine et lux perpetua luceat eis Te decet hymnus Deus in Sion et tibi reddetur votum in jerusalem exaudi orationem mean; ad te omins caro veniet. A Compilation of the Litanies and Vespers Hymns and Anthems as they are sung in the Catholic Church adapted to the voice or organ a. Audio recording from A Compilation of the Litanies and Vespers Hymns and Anthems as they are sung in the Catholic Church adapted to the voice or organ a.

Page Scans. View Page. Display Title: American Catholic Hymnal Peters' Sodality Hymn Book The Cherub a. The De La Salle Hymnal The St.

Lux perpetua audio book data wydanie aktu

Suggestions or corrections? According to John, Jesus spoke of himself as the light of the world, while promising his followers the light of life: "I am the light of the world: those who follow me are not in danger of walking in shadow, but shall be granted the light of life"7.

The pairing of light with what is beautiful and desirable and of dark- ness with the opposite ideas is natural and can be found in most cultures and at most times. The analogy is epitomized by the widespread pairing of light with life, and of darkness with death. This contrast was prominent in the ancient religion of Iran, and it again acquired fundamental importance 4 F.

The Latin version edited from the Mss. Cumont, Lux perpetua, Paris Estudios Latinos , Aldo Setaioli The Image of Light from Pagan Religious Thought to Christian Prayer in late antiquity, for example in the credo of the Manicheans and in all varia- tions of Gnosticism; but it was well-known to early Christianity too, as is shown by the passage of John above as well as by the beginning of his Gospel which I shall presently quote.

We can safely assume, therefore, that the two symbolisms of light —as God on one side and as eternal life on the other— stem from the same root and that this affinity explains their mutual interaction. Let us consider the former symbolism first. Already in Homer's Odys- sey Telemachus is called "sweet light"8 both by his faithful swineherder Eumaeus and by his own mother Penelope, and in Sophocles' Electra the heroine addresses her brother Orestes with the words "dearest light"9.

As far as Roman epic poetry is concerned, it will suffice to recall that in Ver- gil Hector is called the "light of Troy" In view of these precedents it is hardly surprising that Christ or God should be referred to as "light" or something akin to the idea of light in a great number of Christian texts.

Many of these texts are prayers, which can be found conveniently collected in Ricarda Liver's useful book on the influence of ancient sacred language on Christian prayer But if the literary form of these Christian texts is undoubtedly influen- ced by formulations rooted in pagan tradition, their theological substance is of course based on easily identifiable passages of the Old as well as of the New Testament.

In the opening of Genesis God is presented as the creator of light12, in a passage of simple and unaffected majesty that gre- atly impressed even the pagans, as is testified by the admiring quotation of the sentence "'Let there be light'.

Requiem (Bruneau, Alfred)

And at the be- ginning of John's Gospel Jesus is identified with light as opposed to darkness: "in him was life, and the life was the light of men. The light 8 Hom. Liver, Die Nachwirkung der antiken Sakralsprache im christlichen Gebet des lateinischen und italienischen Mittelalters.

And a few lines later: "The true light that enlightens every man was coming into the world" However, when we say that God is light, what remains to be determi- ned is the nature and function of this light. As made clear by Rudolf Bultmann, in a beautiful paper dating from over fifty years ago16, in ancient Greece, even in Plato, light was not con- ceived of as the object of contemplation in itself, but rather as the means to make reality comprehensible, even though the world we live in has its foun- dations in the supernatural domain of pure ideas.

However, when the self- contained and self-explanatory organization based on the polis was replaced by the new system of absolute monarchies, not merely politics, but all of reality seemed to lose its rational guiding principle. The light that was sought after now was not meant to direct man in a friendly and understan- dable world regarded as home by most people; rather, light became synony- mous with salvation from a foreign and hostile world as well as from the darkness beyond the grave.

Obviously light itself now became the object of contemplation, to the point of nullifying the importance and the very exis- tence of any sensible object which might be found within its compass. Now light has become transcendent in the proper meaning of the word.

The philosopher —and we might say the poet— par excellence of this pre- ternatural light, stemming from the contemplation of the supreme trans- cendent reality, is Plotinus, the founder of Neoplatonism, some of whose pages strongly remind of the celebrated lines of Dante's Paradise describing the light of Heaven Among the numerous prayers identifying Christ —or God— with light, which I mentioned before, just a few clearly state that such a light falls beyond sensible experience, and therefore cannot be properly described by 14 Ioh.

Estudios Latinos , Aldo Setaioli The Image of Light from Pagan Religious Thought to Christian Prayer human language: only Fulgentius of Ruspe, in his Abecedarium, speaks de illa superna luce quam nemo potest narrare "of that heavenly light that no one can describe" Many more, however, call Christ or God "light of light", lux lucis or lucis lumen One might be tempted to interpret such expressions as a Semitic linguistic influence common in Christian Latin to express the highest degree or importance of something, as in the case, for instance, of rex regum "king of kings".

However, we can be sure that these formulas mean to stress that God is a light beyond light, which at the same time is the origin of all earthly light. As early an author as Ambrose begins one of his hymns by expressly stating that Christ, whom he too calls light of lights, is the fountainhead of all light: lux lucis et fons luminis The evolution of the idea can best be illustrated by the varying mean- ings attached to the sun in the different phases of pagan and Christian reli- gious thinking in the early centuries of our era.

et lux perpetua

It is well-known that in late antiquity solar religion is the last attempt of paganism to ward off the impending triumph of Christianity through the worship of Sol inuictus, "the invincible Sun". Franz Cumont has studied this phenomenon in detail23 and we possess an invaluable document of the speculations rela- ted to it in the numerous pages devoted by Macrobius in his Saturnalia to the identification of nearly all the traditional pagan deities with the sun No wonder that in Christian prayers Christ too should be often paired with the sun The same idea in Paulin.

The hymn can also be found in G. Dreves, Hymnographi Latini.

Frankfurt , In a passage in which the influence of Posidonius has been suggested26 Seneca maintains that the human soul, though it descends earthwards to be united to the body, keeps its greater and better part in its heavenly abode, just as the sun lights up the earth, though it stays in the sky Almost three and a half centuries later another Roman writer, Macrobius, expressed a very similar idea with a phrasing clearly borrowed from Seneca: "as we are wont to affirm the presence on earth of the sun, whose beams come and go, so the soul's origin is heavenly, though it spends its temporary exile as a guest on this earth" Macrobius was familiar with Seneca's writings, as is shown by the lengthy passage about slavery which he copied from the earlier phi- losopher29, and his formal borrowings from him are evident in the text we are discussing: Macrobius' solem in terris Nevertheless the words of the two writers, though very similar, reflect a totally different view of the world.

In the time between Seneca and Macrobius the image of the sun lighting up the earth while staying in the sky had been appropriated by the Christians, as is shown by a passage of the dialogue Octauius by Minucius Felix, whe- re its application is trasferred from the human soul to God himself30; also —and even more important— it had been totally transformed in its import by the founders of Neoplatonism.

Plotinus31 maintains that light does not mix with the air that is lit up, so that it is right to say that the air is in the light, 26 See W. Theiler, Poseidonios, Die Fragmente. Quemadmodum radii solis contingunt quidem terram sed ibi sunt unde mittuntur, sic animus magnus et sacer In somn.

Lux Perpetua - Vivancos, Bernat / Rutter Returns () - VocalEssence

Also Sen. In solem adeo prorsus intende: caelo adfixus, sed terris omnibus sparsus est: pariter pra- esens ubique interest et miscetur omnibus, nusquam eius claritudo uiolatur. Quanto magis Deus etc. Estudios Latinos , Aldo Setaioli The Image of Light from Pagan Religious Thought to Christian Prayer rather than the light in the air, just as, according to Plato32, it is correct to say that the body is in the soul, not the soul in the body.

Plotinus' disciple, Porphyrius, mentions various sources of light, first and foremost the sun: "just like the sun, with its presence, turns air to light by making it light- like, so that the light is united to the air though at the same time remaining separate, in the same way the soul, though united to the body, stays totally separate" So far the difference from Seneca's idea, though perceptible, is not dra- matic.

But Porphyrius goes immediately on to say that the analogy between the soul and the sun is far from complete, in view of the fact that the latter, like any other source of light, is material and locally tied to a certain place, whereas the soul and its light are unbounded, as becomes spiritual entities The change from the monistic view of Stoicism to the duality of spirit versus matter endorsed by Neoplatonism has caused the pairing of the soul with the sun that falls under our senses to become a mere manner of speaking, a metaphor —no more an analogy based on real affinity, as it was in the case of Seneca and the Stoics.

The soul belongs to a transcendent level of reality; the sun we can see is only its image, whereas its real kinship is to a reality beyond. The so called Chaldean Oracles, a lost collection of oracles in verse attributed to one or the other of two theurgists, father and son, both named Julian, and sometimes to both of them, did conceive of a sun beyond the cosmos, as the model of the one we see The emperor Julian, a namesake of the autors of the Chaldean Oracles, took up the idea of a transcendent sun 32 Plato Tim.

De nat. Lewy, Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy. The important point, however, is that now God as well as the human soul are thought of as totally detached and even opposed to the reality which can be grasped through the senses.

It is quite apt, therefore, that in the hymn by Ambrose I mentioned before, the expression lux lucis et fons luminis "light of light and fountainhead of glow" should be followed by the invocation uerusque sol, inlabere "and, o true sun, approach" These words amount to a recognition of the fact that God can be equated to our sensible sun only by way of a lame and inadequate metaphor. In reality he is himself the real sun, beyond and above the one we can see.

The mention of the great light of the sky, now seen as a symbol and a token of the much greater preternatural light of heaven, brings us back to the distinction I established at the beginning of this paper.

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